From elimination to assimilation: disconnection from country
By Dr. Jess Reeves
Bung Yarnda (Lake Tyers) is a place that evokes strong emotion in the Gunaikurnai people of the land, now called Gippsland, in southeastern Australia. At once a symbol of oppression and humiliation, but also ‘home’. Long cultural association, in the deep time and historical sense creates a place of profound connection, which its people fought strongly to maintain. They succeeded in being granted Land Rites in 19711 and Gunaikurnai were eventually awarded Native Title determination of much of Gippsland in 20102. This essay questions how the historical policies of elimination and assimilation sought to disconnect Gunaikurnai from their country people and other displaced Indigenous Victorians from their home in Lake Tyers, and how through resistance and continuity of culture they are navigating their way back to self-determination.
Gunaikurnai
The Gunaikurnai include five clans: Brabalung, Brataulung, Brayakaulung, Krauatungalung and Tatungalung3 and their land extends from the southern slopes of the Victorian Alps to the Ninety Mile Beach from Cape Liptrap to Point Hicks4. Recent archaeological work has placed the Old People in the landscape by around 23,000 years ago at Clogg’s Cave in Buchan5 and around 27,000 years ago at the Wangangarra rock shelter on the Mitchell River6. There are kinship links between Gunaikurnai, Taungurung people north of the Great Dividing Range and the Ngarigo people of the Monaro region. Bung Yarnda (Lake Tyers), has long been an important meeting ground between the tribes7. It is a small drowned river estuary in East Gippsland surrounded by a forested catchment, supporting abundant resources. However, in the contemporary context, it is best known as the location of the Lake Tyers Mission – the last of the Victorian Aboriginal Reserves.
McMillan and the ‘settlement’ of ‘Gipps-Land’
The expansion from New South Wales over the Snowy Mountains and into the southeast of Australia was led by Angus McMillan, who emigrated to Australia from the Outer Hebrides after the Scottish clearances. McMillan described the land, later to be known as Gipps-Land as “sufficient to feed all my starving countrymen”8 and proceeded to lay claim to a sizeable proportion of it. McMillan and the other Highlanders set to clearing the country and establishing runs. By 1844, 40 stations were supporting a population of 327 people, 20,000 cattle and 62,000 sheep9. By 1847 the squatters were granted tenure and set up homesteads, establishing families. There no consideration for Aboriginal rights to land or recognition of sovereignty, with the assumption of terra nullius – as follows the colonial formation and perpetual thirst for land outlined by Wolfe (2006)10.
Whilst there are examples of harmonious relations between Aboriginal people and settlers, particularly in the Port Albert region, there is evidence of Gunaikurnai people stealing possessions and spearing stock11. This may be considered an act of resistance, once it was evident that the squatters intended to stay12. The logic of elimination then stepped in, in response to this resistance13. The establishment of McMillans’s own homestead at Bushy Park witnessed one of the first massacres recorded in the region at Boney Point in 184014. The most infamous of Gippsland massacres was at Warrigal Creek in 184315. ‘Blacks’ had speared to death the nephew of Lachlan Macalister – although the rumours as to why vary greatly. In response to this ‘every Scotsman with a horse and a gun gathered’, forming the Highland Brigade, led again by McMillan16. Estimates of 100-150 deaths occurred in the waterhole at Warrigal Creek, where Aboriginal people were rounded up, forced over into the water and then shot, until the waters ran red with their blood17. The bodies were removed by bullock carts and buried in nearby sandhills18. No-one was held to account.
Estimates of 2-3000 Gunaikurnai were living in Gippsland 184019. This number had dropped to 131 in 1853 and only 96 in 185720. Some Aboriginal people lived in service to the ‘squattocracy’ in roles as stockmen, trackers, labourers, shepherds and house servants. The rest were relegated to Missions: Ramahyuck, established in 1862 on the Avon River and Lake Tyers in 1863.
Confine and control
The Lake Tyers Mission was established as part of the Reserve System imposed by the Victorian Colonial Government in 1861, managed by John Bulmer of the Church of England21. Bulmer stayed on as manager for over fifty years and took interest in the language and culture of the Gunaikurnai and enabled them to continue many of their traditional practices, both on and off the Mission22. He followed the belief of the day that the ‘savage race’ would eventually die out22,23. In the 1890s there was criticism of Bulmer’s methods by the Aborigines Protection Board that “Aborigines had not yet been successfully ‘remade’ there”, suggesting that the missionary ambitions of religious conversion and cultural ‘civilisation’ had not been realised24,25
The Chuch at Lake Tyers. Photo: J. Reeves
The population of the Mission did indeed decrease, in a large part due to the amendment of the Aborigines Protection Act 1886 which restricted ‘protection’ to only full-blood Aboriginal people26. ‘Half-castes’ were considered a transition to the goal of elimination, in an early version of assimilation, following the logic of ‘disappearance by genetic absorption’27. In addition, lighter-skinned Aboriginal people were removed from reserves, deemed more capable of surviving in the mainstream, due to their perceived ‘white supremacy’28,29. This acted to remove Indigenous Australians from missions that they had been relegated to, thereby cutting off access to kin and community connections and financial support29.
Liberties were significantly reduced when The Board took over the management of Lake Tyers in 190830. Life on the Mission became even more challenging after the closure of the other Victorian reserves, as part of the ‘Concentration Plan’ of the Aborigines Protection Board31. The remaining ‘full-blood’ Aboriginal people were gathered up from all over Victoria and brought to Gunaikurnai country in Lake Tyers, breaking Aboriginal Law, resulting in conflict between families32. All aspects of Aboriginal life on missions were controlled, including your housing, work, schooling, marriage, religion, access to culture and country, and permission to leave33. Close monitoring was also adhered to, with regular invasive home and hygiene inspections and extensive detailed and personal reports and records kept34. The situation was paternalistic, with an expectation of work and ‘good behaviour’ for a ‘reward’, such as housing and rations, rather than wages35.
Mission Life
Although rightly described by McLisky et al., (2015) as: “sites of heightened incarceration, surveillance and manipulation”36, many people born on the Lake Tyers mission, express a strong sense of home, connection and identity with the place. Aunty Eileen Harrison, in her memoir Black Swan, gives a personal insight into Mission life37. Eileen was the second generation of her family born on the Lake Tyers Mission and lived there until the age of 13. She describes life on the ‘Mish’ as home. Her artwork Connection to Country (2016) includes dreaming stories of Bung Yarnda and reflects the links between the people and animals who have walked this land38.
Aunty Eileen Harrison and her painting Connection to Country. Photo: J. Reeves
The Lake Tyers Mission was surrounded by bush and the people were allowed to fish in the lake, go prawning, hunt in the forest and forage for bush tucker39. Unlike many of the other missions and reserves, some of the Elders still spoke language and stories survived, due largely to the interest of Bulmer in the early years of the Mission40. These practices support the notion of connection to country from an indigenist standpoint, as an extension of self – which was rare on the Missions, where these rights were mostly compromised41.
Aunty Eileen attended school on the Mission, although education only went to grade 4 level, considered sufficient for life on the Mission’42. From the 1930s education beyond basic numeracy and literacy was largely vocational: sewing, woodwork, farm work, cleaning, handicrafts and gardening as well as aspects of health, hygiene, leisure and European culture42.
The establishment of the Aborigines Welfare Board in 1957 saw a significant policy shift, with the view to close the Missions and pursue active assimilation43. From 1958 they began to prepare students for life outside the Mission43. The Church also became involved and organised summer ‘vacations’ for children from the Mission to catch the train to Melbourne and individually spend time with white, church families to get a taste of a ‘civilised’ life44. Aunty Eileen recalls one trip where the family she was with went to a fancy-dress party and dressed her up as “Mammy”, where the white children laughed at her44. This was an early taste of humiliation in the ‘civilised’ world.
Life on the ‘Track’
Daryl Tonkin tells the story of Jackson’s Track and the 824 acres near Jindivik he managed with his brother as a timber mill from 1937-196745. The Tonkin brothers took on Aboriginal workers, starting with Stewart Hood who although from Yarram, was living with his family on the Lake Tyers Mission since 1919, when all ‘blackfellas’ from the region were forcibly moved onto missions47. Stewart, and his father before him, did not agree with Mission life and had agitated for land rights. Stewart sought work off the Mission and in doing so, forfeited his right to live there, but returned regularly to see his family46.
In the 1940s, a new policy enabled more Aboriginal people to work, due to increased demand and decreased labour force during the Second World War47. The Tonkin Brothers earned a reputation for being good and fair employers of Aboriginal people and Jackson’s Track soon became a haven. A permanent camp was established there with families from Gippsland, the Western District and the North47, rising to over 150 people48. Unlike the strict control on the Mission, people here were free to come and go as they pleased, live off the land and be paid a fair wage. Work was shared among the community as they wished, with some men working the mill, whilst others caught wild game to share and women collectively maintaining the bark huts and caring for the children49. This lifestyle is more in line with Watson’s (2018) idea of self-determination: collectively caring for country to gain benefit sustainably50.
Assimilation
Eileen Harrison along with her parents and 10 siblings, were the first family to be moved off the Mission to Ararat, where the government was building a house for them51. Although Eileen’s father, Cedric, had family in Dimboola, this was over 130km away52. Cedric was given a new suit and a job, but no training53. Maria (Eileen’s mother), who had spent her life on the Mission with her mother next door and community around, was now often alone to bring up the 11 children. Although the house had all the modern conveniences, such as electricity, running hot and cold water and an inside toilet, it did not make up for the isolation from family and community54. However, once a family left the Mission, they were not permitted to return – even to visit55.
“The policy appears to be directed at breaking down communal and family life of the aborigines in Victoria, dispersing them over the State.” (Thomson, D. in The Age 27 May 1963).
Eileen and her siblings were teased and taunted at school and were denied access to the local swimming pool, due to segregation57. Within the first year, Cedric began to drink heavily, with friends and cousins over at the house for long sessions58. They became abusive – to each other and Maria, putting the children at risk. Maria also turned to drink, which Eileen attributes to the loneliness and isolation59. Whilst the older children found work and moved, some of the younger ones were put in foster care60. This has brought great shame to her and her family and caused intergenerational trauma.61
After the authorities had turned a blind eye for some years, the Church and the Shire conspired to ‘clean up’ Jackson’s Track in 196162. The community was coerced by a combination of proselytising from the Church and threats of child removal to eventually submit to the will of the State6. Within months all of the Aboriginal people had left the Track. The council then brought bulldozers in to clear the camps64. However once they got into town, the houses were not ready and they had to stay in tents65. There were no toilets, no electricity and nothing to cook with as they had left all of their belongings behind66
The community was eventually placed in government housing in white communities, with families divided and discouraged from extended family and friends visiting. They were given an Aboriginal pension and told to pay for food and bills themselves – which they had no previous experience in67. Too many turned to alcohol to fill the boredom with dire impacts for the physical and mental health68. Within two years, many in the community had died. These experiences echo the outcome of the ‘Half-caste’ Act described by Land (2006) as “creating a new socioeconomic underclass of fringe-dwellers” (Land, C. p. 140).
Resistance
When word got around that the Lake Tyers Mission was to close and that families were to be separated into white towns all over Victoria, there was great unrest, particularly from the Elders who remembered earlier attempts at assimilation70. The Mission reports show increasing rebelliousness in the late 1950s and early 60s71. The resistance included Lake Tyers people regularly attending meetings held in Melbourne by the Aboriginal Advancement League72. They were striving for integration, rather than assimilation, and recognition of the unique contributions of Aboriginal Australians73. A statement by Laurie Moffat was submitted to the Assistant Chief Secretary of Victoria and President of the Victorian Aborigines Welfare Board on 29 August 1961 demanding better conditions on the Mission and ‘if possible, for the station to be self-supporting’74. Emboldened by a trip to Canberra, Laurie then increased his demands to include:
The absolute retention of Lake Tyers for the benefit of the Aboriginal People
Full enquiry into all aspects of Board policy and management on Lake Tyers.
Abolition of restrictive regulations.
Full award wages and social service benefits to be paid directly to persons concerned.
Elected representatives of the residents to participate in management and control of the settlement with a view to full control being made over to the people in three to five years75.
This was ultimately successful, and the Lake Tyers Mission was declared a Permanent Reserve in 196576. In 1971, the first Land Rites title in Australia was granted for the 4000 acres of the former mission to the 92 community members of the Lake Tyers community, to form the Lake Tyers Aboriginal Trust. The title was presented in a ceremony to Mr Charlie Carter by the Governor of Victoria, Sir Rohan Delacombe77.
Entrance to Lake Tyers Aboriginal Trust. Photo: J. Reeves
Self-determination
Almost exactly 10 years ago, after a 14-year battle, Gunaikurnai were awarded Native Title under the Traditional Owner Settlement Act 201078. The Gunakurnai Land and Waters Corporation (GLaWAC) is the Prescribed Body Corporate and the Registered Aboriginal Party for the Gunaikurnai claim area, as determined by the Victorian Aboriginal Heritage Council under the Aboriginal Heritage Act, 200678. In partnership with the Victorian Government, GLaWAC has Joint Management over ten significant parks and reserves across Gippsland, including Lake Tyers State Park, providing opportunities for Gunaikurnai to work meaningfully to heal country79. The GLaWAC Whole-of-Country Plan clearly outlines a vision and actions to achieve their goal: “United, Proud and Strong; One Mob-One Voice”80.
There are still challenges, particularly for some of the Trust members who, although have freehold over their land, are not all Gunaikurnai and so cannot all benefit from the opportunities that Native Title brings. The Gunditjmara, Taungurung, Yorta Yorta and others did not choose to come to Lake Tyers, but their families were placed there forcibly over 100 years ago. The injustice and white law of Native Title has been pointed out by Moreton-Robinson (2015)81. This has caused division and resentment in the community due to the restricted opportunities for many of the Trust community82.
The Living Bung Yarnda project is seeking to redress some of these issues by elevating the knowledge and connection to country that the Trust community has83. It is developing a community-led environmental stewardship program for Lake Tyers in partnership between the Trust, GLaWAC, Federation University, Gippsland TAFE, East Gippsland Catchment Management Authority, Parks Victoria and the environmental, artist and fishing communities of the lake, so that the community can again care for country and their voices be heard.
Afterword
“Why can’t they leave people alone?”
…”The whitefella has no law.”
‘What can you expect from the kind of man that has no law?”
“A man with no law shoots the people on their own land.”
“Then rounds the rest up and puts them on mission stations with whitefella food that makes them sick.”
“A lot of people die.”
“And the whitefellas with no law are glad of it as there are less people to look after.”
“They shoulda left us alone if they didn’t want to look after us. We never needed to be looked after.”
“Now they are shifting us into towns, expecting us to live like whitefellas and blaming us for being ungrateful when it’s against our nature to live all shut up and quiet and unhappy.”
“They know nothing about nature.”
“They have no law.” 84
Conversation heard by Daryl Tonkin on Jackson’s Track (Tonkin and Landon, 1999, p. 240-1)
